Migrant Libel: Explaining and debunking the myth about immigration driving up crime rates

Refugees and undocumented immigrants are, on average, more likely to commit petty theft, forgery, and other “subsistence crimes” than migrant workers and locals because they are prohibited from working in the country of arrival and yet must somehow support themselves, at least until their process of legalization is complete. Following the admission of eight new states to the European Union in 2004, the number of such crimes in the UK fell thanks to the fact that many migrants were suddenly able to legalize their status and find work.

Similarly, after the accession of Romania and Bulgaria to the EU, Italy saw the number of repeat “subsistence crimes” among previously convicted criminals from these countries fall by half. This effect was much more pronounced in the north of the country, as the agricultural economy of the south provided undocumented migrants with more opportunities for informal employment, and such crime rates were initially lower there.

Violent crime is not affected by a simpler alien legalization procedure, since first-generation immigrants are generally less likely to break the law. However, crime rates rise significantly among second-generation migrants (those born in the host country). In this regard, data for Europe and the U.S. start to diverge.

In the U.S., second-generation immigrants are only just beginning to converge with the local population in terms of rates of offense. The third generation is on par with the locals, with crime rates among these migrants matching those of the diaspora living in the country as a whole.

In Europe, on the other hand, second-generation migrants commit more crimes than both first-generation migrants and natives. According to a 2010 study, the Netherlands arrested 2.2% of young (18 to 24 years old) locals against 4.4% of the children of migrants in the same age group. Denmark observed a similar trend: in 2006, 1.4% of Danes aged 15 to 45 had committed a crime at least once, while for the second generation of migrants from non-Western countries, the proportion was 5.4%.

This phenomenon is called “downward assimilation”: the deterioration or stagnation of the socio-economic status of migrants' children compared to that of their parents. Many factors can contribute to this, ranging from mismatched expectations of life in a new country to discrimination and economic circumstances.

In Germany, for instance, children from Muslim countries often face biased teachers who limit their educational and career opportunities, pushing them to self-actualization through informal institutions such as street gangs. Research shows that having peers involved in gangs increases the risk of children being involved in criminal activities equally among migrants and locals.

Children's situations can be exacerbated by a lack of attention from parents who are too busy working. In such cases, support networks like kindergartens, religious organizations, and community associations play an important role in preventing downward assimilation, helping the children of migrants to integrate into society while providing much-needed childcare.

By contrast, the integration of migrants’ children is easier in the U.S., Canada, and Australia. These countries are considered “immigrant nations” — meaning they have historically accepted large numbers of foreigners. In these places, crime rates among first-generation immigrants are also lower than in Europe.

European experience shows that the creation of barriers to integration significantly increases the likelihood of migrants and their children becoming involved in criminal activity. For a long time, Germany and the Netherlands, for example, refused to recognize themselves as “immigrant nations.” As a result, when many foreign workers from Turkey, Morocco, and the Balkans arrived on the continent in the 1960s, the authorities had no plans to integrate them into society, expecting them to eventually leave.

But many of the workers stayed in Germany, starting families while struggling with legalization, job searches, and obtaining schooling for their children. German schools and police did not know how to deal with them, and migrants from this wave were not legalized until the 2000s. Eventually, the Netherlands and Germany experienced higher crime rates among representatives of these nationalities and their children, who are now often referred to as the “lost generation.”

Why are there so many migrants in prisons?

Switzerland is one of the countries least inclined to legalize and integrate immigrants. Even in the third generation, they are considered foreigners and cannot obtain citizenship. As a consequence, Swiss prisons have the highest proportion of migrants in Europe, even though many of them are likely to have been born in the country. That said, Europe in general (excluding the UK and Ireland) has a higher rate of immigrant incarceration than the U.S. does.